Another guest post, this time from Andrew McFadyen, who has a PhD in politics. He used to work for the Scottish Labour Party and now earns his living as a journalist. 

The last week has been depressing. The whistle has barely been blown for the kick-off, but already the debate about Scottish independence is showing all the subtlety of the crowd at an Old Firm match.

Standing behind the goal and waving her fist at the opposition, SNP MSP Joan McAlpine is giving a lesson in intolerance. Her comments in last Thursday’s Holyrood debate that “the Liberals, the Labour Party and the Tories are anti-Scottish” were daft and she should have known better.

What about Labour? Frankly, the constant repetition of negative phrases like “rigged referendum” and “separation” is giving me a headache. With a few honourable exceptions, like Malcolm Chisholm and Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Party is displaying a kind of knee-jerk Unionism that is out of step with mainstream Scottish opinion and its own traditions.

It’s worth recalling that Keir Hardie was a founding Vice-President of the Scottish Home Rule League. Labour politicians campaigned for a Scottish Parliament for over a century.

In the breakthrough election of 1922, Red Clydeside sent ten socialists to the House of Commons. Tom Henderson, the newly elected MP for Glasgow Tradeston, urged his colleagues at the victory rally in St Andrew’s Hall to “go to Edinburgh and take over the old House of Parliament and set up a government in this country.”

The generation that built the Labour Party in Scotland believed that they could achieve more with a government in Edinburgh, than one in London.

Last May, I was among the shocked Labour activists in the SECC who watched as their work was undone. The cheers from jubilant Nats provided the soundtrack to a dreadful night that got worse as it went on.

All of the candidates in the recent leadership election spoke about the need for change. It is now time for them to show that they meant it.

Strathclyde University’s John Curtice pointed out in a recent article for The Scotsman that according to the Social Attitudes survey, three-fifths to two-thirds of Scots would like Holyrood to take on responsibility for taxes and welfare benefits. He added that, a recent Ipsos-MORI poll reported that as many as 68 per cent would vote in favour of “devo-max” should they be given the opportunity.

This is the ground that the Labour Party should be fighting on. There is no issue of principle that precludes adding a second question on ‘devo-max’ to an independence referendum. It is simply a matter of tactics.

In January 1978, Donald Dewar, George Robertson and Helen Liddell were part of a Scottish delegation to Downing Street urging the then Prime Minister Jim Callaghan to add a second question on independence to the following year’s ill-fated referendum on devolution. The plan was designed both to bolster the vote for devolution and deal with the question of independence for a generation. If Donald Dewar could support a second question then, why can’t Johann Lamont support a second question now?

The Conservatives are adopting an extreme position, as they did in the 1980s and 1990s, trying to polarize the debate and force Scots to make a hard ‘in or out’ choice. My advice is that Scottish Labour should regard the Tories in the same way that a budgie does a ginger tomcat. David Cameron and George Osborne should be kept at a very great distance. The party has much more to gain, and would be truer to its own values, by being the voice of reason.