Dollar bill into a ballot boxI’m over my nuclear-powered loss of confidence in George Monbiot now: he’s right about too much else, and there are too few other people in the mainstream media making those arguments. But last week’s piece by him on party funding was well-intentioned but seriously off-beam.

He was responding to a 2011 report by the Committee on Standards in Public Life which (Monbiot’s summary) recommended that “donations should be capped at an annual £10,000, the limits on campaign spending should be reduced, and public funding for political parties should be raised” – the last of which should be “a state subsidy based on the size of their vote at the last election”.

Instead, Monbiot argues, the only source of income a party could have would be membership fees and public matched funding for those. All parties would have to charge the same for membership, and he suggests £50 per annum. I’m a supporter of some form of state funding (of course, it already happens, largely in the form of Short Money: it’s just not transparent), but this model wouldn’t work.

As an incidental loophole, is he really suggesting that parties couldn’t charge for things like fringe sponsorship at conferences or even stalls? You might find sponsored fringe events distasteful, but charging for stalls surely isn’t unreasonable. And what about merchandise? I used to love buy Scottish Green Party umbrellas all the time, given that I seemed incapable of retaining one for more than a month. Would you ban that? How much is a fair markup on merch before it’s a bannable donation?

Then there’s the £50 rate. Again, looking at the Green position, we tier our membership fees: from £5 for students and the under-18s, then from £12 to £72 by income. Everyone with an income under £40,000 pays less than Monbiot’s figure. Should we be required to scrap that system? I quite like it. Or should we get less state support when a person on a low income joins the party?

Finally, such a system puts a big boundary around parties. You can be as enthusiastic a supporter as you like, but if you’re not also the kind of person who joins, you can’t give financial support. You can deliver leaflets for a party but you can’t chip in £100 to get more leaflets printed. It would even more clearly emphasise that politics belongs to the most committed.

The Committee’s original idea strikes me as a bit closer to an ideal model. In addition to caps on donations and reduced expenditure limits, they talk about a cost of 50p per elector per year, or a taxpayer contribution equivalent to between £1.50 and £3 per vote (the lower level for devolved institutions: the higher for Westminster, and the difference with the 50p figure is turnout), made in line with actual votes.

The problem with this is it does continue to divide parties by existing income. If you can’t afford the deposits it takes to stand in constituencies, either for Holyrood or Westminster, you can’t get any matched funding. That assumes the devolved figure would be for constituency votes rather than regional votes – you can be damn sure the rotating parties of government would argue for that approach. Also, for as long as we have any first-past-the-post element, a direct per-vote donation would contaminate people’s democratic choices. If I lived in a Tory/SNP or a Tory/Labour marginal where Greens couldn’t afford to stand, I’d be definitely want to cast an anti-Tory constituency vote. But then, despite being a Green member, I’d be funding one of two parties who are already massively well-funded. That’d stick in the throat, and it’d probably tempt me to abstain.

Personally, I’d still allow donations but with a low cap, perhaps £500 per annum, and I back some of the other changes proposed last year. But on the specific question of state funding, why not let the people decide directly? When you vote, you get a second sheet: who do you want to “donate” your public funds to? Show a list of all parties elected at any level in your area, and let the people decide who deserves a hand.