Archive for category Holyrood

Paradise Lost

John Milton’s classic poem ‘Paradise Lost’ had the stated purpose of justifying the ways of God to men and elucidating the conflict between God’s foresight and free will. For the SNP’s particular view of paradise, Alex Salmond may have to elucidate and justify the foresight that he is claiming to possess (not to mention free will that he is exerting) over the best route to his party’s paradisical view of independence.

There are many reasons why the SNP will have decided to not push any further with its somewhat bruised and battered Referendum Bill but the most pertinent of these reasons is that there is now insufficient time to vote on it, discuss it and actually pass it before next year’s elections.

Further to having it passed in sufficient time, there are also good reasons why the SNP should have made sure that they pushed as hard as possible to implement their manifesto commitment of holding an independence referendum in the past few years, not least because they are now leaving themselves wide open to charges of hypocrisy (as these quotes from SNP Westminster leader Angus Robertson regarding the Lisbon Treaty show)

On Labour:

It is no wonder there is so much cynicism about politicians and the political process, when parties like Labour vote to deny the country the referendum they promised, and the Liberal Democrats sit on their hands.

On Lib Dems:

“the Lib Dems promised a popular vote on the failed EU Constitution in their 2005 manifesto, and just yesterday a poll showed that Lib Dem voters back a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty by more than two to one. Calamity Clegg is not only out of touch with public opinion, he’s clearly out of step with his own party. At one fell swoop he’s broken a manifesto promise, divided his MPs and lost his authority as party leader.”

Is there much difference between Labour’s aversion to a Lisbon Treaty referendum and the SNP’s aversion to putting forward an independence referendum?

Well, there is actually. In ‘publishing’ a white paper, the SNP has matched what it stated as one of its priorities in its 2007 referendum:

“Publication of a White Paper, encompassing a Bill, detailing the concept of Scottish independence in the modern world as part of preparations for offering Scots the opportunity to decide on independence in a referendum, with a likely date of 2010.”

The “likely date” of 2010 never did come to pass but there is no unbroken pledge in there as far as I can see.

Of course, this is technical details and politicking that we are all supposed to be moving away from though one wonders just how far into the future the SNP was thinking when it penned its popular 2007 manifesto. However, the bottom line is – surely believing in and arguing for your principles is more important than ducking the argument because you know you are going to lose; as was the case with Lisbon and is the case now.

So, how smart the politics of all of this is remains to be seen but it is worth mentioning that this seemingly newly adopted strategy is a departure from what the perceived plan for this parliamentary term was for the Nationalists – namely to have a Referendum Bill voted down by the Unionist parties and then take their case and their umbrage to the people at the 2011 election.

The current situation is more nuanced and involves pros and cons for Alex Salmond as he tries to beat off the strong challenge from Labour, (if not strong specifically from Iain Gray). The White Paper was called ‘Your Scotland, Your Choice’ and so it remains as we are back to hearing the same arguments as we did in 2007.

Advantages to dropping the Bill

– The Bill has not been blemished by the stain of parliamentary defeat so maintains a purity that may invite public popularity while simultaneously repelling attacks from opposing parties.

– One cannot reasonably take a rejected proposal to the people to ‘let them have their say’ when those same people’s representatives have just voted down that same policy proposal. Although we know what the result would have been had a vote taken place, an independence referendum is as valid a topic for discussion as, say, the economy and education, if Parliament hasn’t just had its say on the matter.

– Party morale will remain higher knowing that it won’t just be an SNP majority or SNP/Green coalition that can deliver a referendum, as would have been the case if each of Labour, Lib Dems and Tories had just voted no to a referendum in late 2010.

– With unionist MPs from both sides of the border already having considered backing a referendum in order to end the issue once and for all, there is every chance that such a view may be taken once more after the heat of an election contest has faded and the posturing gives way to consensus-building.

Disadvantages to dropping the Bill

– this adds credence to the various suggestions that the SNP has broken too many of the manifesto commitments that carried it into Government in the first place (LIT, dumping student debt, class sizes, PE in schools, free fruit in schools, Scottish Futures Trust). The din will soon be a cacophony, with varying degrees of justification for each pledge.

– a sceptical public may wonder at the lack of urgency from the SNP, urging Scotland to be independent for its economy’s sake, but reluctant to get on with discussing the merits of holding a referendum which would get us there and oddly content to procrastinate on the matter.

– What was the National Conversation for, not to mention the civil service hours spent on referendum questions, if the corresponding Bill wasn’t even going to be put before Parliament? Money has been wasted in the past four years and, given the cuts that are on their way, that could be a damaging mistake if the amount is quantified and significant.

Were Labour to win power next year and the SNP to find themselves coming through their perfect storm and into the calmer but unwanted waters of Opposition with little to nothing to show for it, history may not be kind to the Nationalists with regards its tactics on independence and the 2007-2011 parliamentary term.

The situation would beg the question – how did a decades-old Nationalist party, having formed the first Government in its history, fail to put a Referendum Bill before Parliament and argue their case for independence in the national Parliament in the full glare of the public and the national media?

I do not know how Holyrood works in detail but, for the SNP’s sake and if there is still time, this Referendum Bill should be put before MSPs as the strawman that it is and Gray, Goldie and Scott should be forced into voting it down. Only then can the opposition leaders be clearly painted as the obstacles to Scots having a say on Scotland’s future.

I am sure historians would pick better words than these but ‘bottled it’ might be the settled historical opinion if this reported rethink on a referendum is realised.

Indeed, Alex Salmond famously claimed that Gordon Brown was ‘the feartie fae Fife’ but the First Minister’s not very brave manoeuvrings with this referendum could ironically peg him as ‘the bottler fae Banff’.

Paradise lost? Power lost? Party leader lost? We could see the SNP selecting a new party leader in mid-2011 if this all goes horribly wrong and, amidst the internal conflict that that would inevitably cause, also the prospect of the Nats remaining in Opposition for a few parliamentary terms to come. Poetic justice perhaps for those outwith the SNP who have so consistently failed to shine in Salmond’s shadow.

This is an enormous decision for the SNP and, while there is still all to play for for the Nats, there is also everything to lose.

Is Labour minority now the most likely outcome?

Graphic based on Mail on Sunday pollThe Holyrood electoral system was explicitly designed to make one-party majority virtually impossible, some say to “dish the Nats”. Sure enough, eight years of stable but unambitious coalition have been followed by three years of stable minority administration.

The polls suggest Parliament has settled into a relatively constant formation, with two large parties competing for first place, two medium sized parties competing for third place, then Greens and sometimes others. The most obvious coalition shapes are a large party plus a medium party, given the unlikelihood of the grand coalition.

To narrow that down still further, the Tory brand has never been properly decontaminated in Scotland, despite the odd sensible young buck on their Holyrood benches, and neither Labour nor the SNP could formally go into coalition with them here. You can’t point and shout at London cuts implemented by your Deputy First Minister’s Ministers at Westminster.

This also means the Tories’ partners down south are also off the table come May next year, at least as far as Ministerial office goes. To my mind, this leaves a limited range of options for the next Scottish Government. They are, starting with the most likely (based on current polling):

  1. Labour minority. They’ve seen how it’s worked for the SNP, and they quite like the idea of not having to share office, even if they’d share power with Parliament.
  2. Labour supported by another party more informally. The Confidence and Supply model might allow them to be propped up by the Lib Dems, or potentially by Green MSPs.
  3. SNP minority supported through Confidence and Supply. It’s hard to see them coming out ahead of Labour in May, semi-irrelevant though that is for making a majority.
  4. Either an SNP or a Labour formal coalition with the Greens. Again, looking at the numbers, it’s even less likely for the SNP and Green votes to make 65, so that alone puts Labour as the most likely partner. On the pro-side for either large party, we’re not contaminated by Westminster. However, the actual policy differences would be stark, starker than the (non-constitutional) differences between the two largest parties themselves.

Today’s poll in the Mail on Sunday is just another straw in the wind, but it is clearly blowing against the SNP and also the Lib Dems. I haven’t seen a non-SNP-commissioned poll which had them close to Labour at the top, and it’s been a while since the Lib Dems were as close to the Tories as they used to be. This one is also current, conducted this week, unlike the last one to get attention, which was from early August.

Voting intention
Constituency/list/seats

Constituency:
Labour: 39%/36%/55 (+9)
SNP: 29%/26%/35 (-12)
Tory: 16%/15%/18 (+1)
Lib Dem: 11%/12%/16 (0)
Green: na/6%/4 (+2)
Other: 5%/5%/0

(note, I used Weber Shandwick’s predictor, and am not sure if it reflects the new boundaries. Either way, the result was one more Green MSP than John Curtice estimated for the Mail on Sunday)

Again, the SNP couldn’t form a two-party majority with anyone except Labour, and SNP plus Green plus either Lib Dem or Tory isn’t a majority either. Conversely, Labour would only ever need any one of the three largest parties to win any given vote, and given how well Bruce Crawford’s dealt with the need to find Labour or two others, that would look pretty tempting.

This would be a radically changed Holyrood after May. A massive swath of the SNP back benches would be out after one term, and the fight for first and second place would be very clear. Salmond would surely be gone as leader, too, despite the desperate counter-polling, which would almost certainly lead to a mouthwatering contest.

Labour’s substantial lead over the SNP in voting intention would put them 20 seats ahead, yet the Lib Dems’ constituency strengths mean they wouldn’t fall much behind the Tories. The gap for third would still be very clear, though, at least in votes. As Malc suggests, if you back the Coalition, why vote Lib Dem instead of Tory? The Green Group would double in size but no longer hold the balance of power. One wee thought – an extra one percent on the Green list vote from the Lib Dems, and we’re up three more to seven. It’s going to be a hard-fought eight months.

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What price a retiring MSP?

Whenever I turn my thoughts to election speculation, (which is more often than is perhaps healthy), I typically assume that an MSP retiring in a certain seat will mean that the constituency is more ripe for a challenging PPC from a rival party at the next election. I have belatedly decided that this somewhat lazy assumption needs further scrutiny and, with Holyrood 2011 (as ever) in mind, I started to crunch some numbers and put the hypothesis to the test.
 
Of the 11 constituencies that have seen retiring MSPs during the 1999-2007 period, 10 of them resulted in the party reducing its share of the vote at the next election. The 1 constituency that saw an increase in the party’s share of the vote after one of its MSPs retired was Banff & Buchan when Alex Salmond chose Westminster over Holyrood.
 
The average decrease in vote-share when an MSP retires is 6.1%. The median decrease is 7.4%.
 
Were we to adopt the hypothesis that a party is as likely to increase its share of the vote as decrease when an incumbent retires (against an alternative hypotheis that the share of the vote should decrease), then the probability of 10 (or more) out of 11 instances all decreasing is as follows:
 
P (X > 10) = (0.5)^10 = 0.049%
 
Pretty conclusive then – at a 5%, 1% and even a 0.1% level of significance, my ‘lazy’ assumption that retiring MSPs are more likely to see their vote-share go down seems to hold true.
 
Of course, perhaps most seats see the incumbent lose votes and perhaps the above is tainted by the fact that the sample includes mostly Labour MSPs who will generally have seen vote shares decrease due to an increased public appetite for a new Government.

Of the 11 constituencies with retiring MSPs, 10 saw decreases in vote-share over and above any decrease for the party nationwide. This increases to 13 out of 14 when the deaths and forced retiral of Donald Dewar, Margaret Ewing and Lord Watson are included.     
 
So let’s delve into the detail a bit more to see what’s happening:
 
When looking at individual parties, there seems to be little to suggest that there is little variation across the board. (Note that the Conservatives have not yet experienced a retiring FPTP MSP so have no data to provide from a strictly Scottish Parliament population)
 
The retiring MSP is an event that has hitherto affected Labour much more than any other party simply because Labour holds considerably more First Past the Post seats. In each of the nine instances where an MSP has not contested the next election (including retirements, deaths and ‘other’), the party share of the vote has decreased more than the national average. The detriment for these constituencies was on average 3.7% at the 2007 election and 6.2% at the 2003 election.
 
Looking at individual instances, from 2003 to 2007 – vote share decreased by 5.5% on average across all 73 constituencies for Labour.
 
Retiring MSPs include:
Edinburgh East (Susan Deacon) – 14.8% decrease
East Lothian (John Home Robertson) – 10.4% decrease
Glasgow Rutherglen (Janis Hughes) – 7.5% decrease
Dundee West (Kate MacLean) – 7.0% decrease
Glasgow Cathcart (Lord Watson) – 6.2% decrease
 
So, as in the final case, even convicted politicians are popular enough to ensure that their retiral (not to be confused with retrial!) results in a more adverse movement in vote share than the national average. This, of course, is as it should be as we would hope that the known sum contribution of our politicians’ previous efforts outweighs the unknown potential of whoever is next in line.
 
Note that, again for Labour, the same trend was evident from 1999 to 2003 with the following retirements resulting in voteshare decreases that were below the party’s nationwide average (of -0.7%):
 
Fife Central (Henry McLeish) – 9.1% decrease
Strathkelvin & Bearsden (Sam Galbraith) – 7.9% decrease
Ayr (Ian Welsh) – 1.4% decrease
 
The Lib Dems support this trend, albeit with only two retirements to work with:
 
Jim Wallace’s former constituency of Orkney saw a 3.3% drop in vote share for the Lib Dems in 2007, relative to 2003, compared to a nationwide movement of only -0.3%. 
 Ian Jenkins’ former constituency of Tweeddale, Ettrick and Lauderdale saw a 7.4% drop in vote share compared to a 1999-2003 nationwide movement of +1.8%, the biggest drop for the Lib Dems across Scotland except for, interestingly, Jim Wallace’s seat of Orkney which decreased by 15.8% (the largest single decrease in any constituency for any of the parties).
 
 This helps highlight that the largest movements in any given constituency at any given election will not necessarily be caused by a retiring incumbent.
 
Airdrie & Shotts witnessed a massive 33.5% swing from Labour to the SNP between 2003 and 2007, despite Karen Whitefield being the sitting MSP in each contest. The individual change in vote-share was the largest deviation from the average for each of the two parties and is an example that may highlight what a change in challenger can potentially do to the statistics.
 
Ross Finnie saw his share of the vote sink by 14.2% from 2003 to 2007, 13.9% of which went to the SNP. The Labour incumbent was largely untroubled by these significant movements, holding onto the seat with relative ease.
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The Lib Dems saw double digit increases in their share of the vote in Aberdeen South, Edinburgh South, Ross, Skye & Inverness West, Strathkelvin & Bearsden and West Aberdeenshire at the 2003 election. This was presumably less to do with incumbent MSPs and more to do with the targeting of the party’s resources. Needless to say, each of these five movements were way above the 1.8% increase in vote share at a national level.
 
So, moving back to retiring MSPs, what does this mean for next May then?
 
Well, boundary changes may well dilute or accentuate the occurrence but retiring MSPs include:
 
Jamie Stone (Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross) (majority 10.9% over the SNP)
John Farquhar Munro (Ross, Skye & Inverness West) (majority 12.1% over the SNP)
Cathy Jamieson (Carrick, Cumnock & Doon Valley) (majority 11.8% over the SNP)
Margaret Curran (Glasgow Shettleston) (majority 20.0% over the SNP)
Jack McConnell (Motherwell & Wishaw) (majority 26.1% over the SNP)
 
Labour’s existing majorities in the above seats are probably too big for a retiring MSP and the ‘hit’ of 4-7% to make much of a difference. Indeed, there is a fair chance that the reversal of Labour’s fortunes since 2007 are such that an increase in the party’s general popularity will neatly net off against the downside of a retiring MSP to result in more or less ‘nil gain, nil loss’ from the last result.
 
However, for the Liberal Democrats, and the considerable woes that they face, that lack of incumbency could make all the difference to their hopes of clinging on in the two seats that they currently hold.
 

The conclusion, if any such thing can be reached from the above, is that with numbers expected to be tight in the electoral arithmetic come May 2011, it may end up being who is stepping down and where, rather than who is standing, that makes all the difference…