They came, they saw, did anyone conquer?

We were beginning to think you guys might be fed up of our boring election predictor chat, so we asked “The Burd” (aka Kate Higgins) if she’d like to contribute something.  We’re delighted she said yes – so here’s her take on the week’s election campaigning.

If you didnae know there was an election on, well you ken noo. Not content with chopping down forests to swamp us in leaflets, nor disturb our peace by daring to chap at our doors or phone while we’re at our tea, those pesky political types are now hogging the headlines, the airwaves and the ether. No platform is currently safe from folk in search of votes. It will all be over soon enough…

So how are they all doing at the end of the first full week of campaigning?

The SNP:
Ah yes, the shiny happy people. Who want you to vote on their record, and for their team and vision. Except when they’re putting Alex Salmond for First Minister on the regional vote ballot paper. The first leaders’ debate on STV was a cakewalk for the former First Minister who scarcely had to change gears to swat away the opposition. They have a strategy, they have money in the bank, they have a stellar endorsement, they have momentum in the polls, they have catchy themes like Fairness Friday (okay sort of catchy), they are winning the Twitter wars…

Yep, it’s all going swimmingly: what could possibly go wrong?

Well, they’ll have to do something to make that local income tax story go away – expect Labour to make more of the what have they got to hide line in the coming weeks if not. And they definitely have to do something about the Tories courying up to them and playing the funny woman to their straight man. The Scots don’t like the Tories remember?

Labour:
Who would have thunk that we’d be talking about Labour, with its indelible right to govern stamped through Scotland like a stick of rock, as the underdogs? They might be ahead in the polls but it’s now by the slimmest of margins; Iain Gray is struggling to get recognition never mind compete on equal terms with Salmond; their website is safe but dull; all their best policies have been pinched from the SNP, and they just haven’t got the money to compete in the shiny stakes.

But they have invested in their organisation and are doing what they said they would, fighting this election on the doorsteps. Prosaically, they are battling for every vote in every target seat, especially the Liberal Democrat ones. Their theme comes straight from Private Fraser, as portrayed in the just-launched higher taxes ball and chain poster.  And interestingly, for all that the content lacks a tangible, buzzy coherence, it does at least focus on people, unlike the issue-driven approach from the other parties.

They’re not setting the heather alight, but they’re getting on with getting on.

Scottish Conservatives:
This has been a good week for them, and in particular, their leader Annabel Goldie. After a god-awful start with the launch of their campaign overshadowed by candidate wars in Glasgow. While the other parties crowd around the centre ground, they have something distinctive to say, which at least gets them noticed, even if no one intends to vote for them. Or at least are not telling the pollsters they are. They might not have managed to get Annabel tweeting but there’s a slick media operation at work here. The Haguesque theme is clever, trumpeting a common sense approach to issues while emphasising how they have delivered for Scotland in the past.

No wonder their tails are up.

But scratch the surface and there lurks an unhappy party, with trouble in the ranks and leadership contenders circling like sharks. And while the Auntie Bella routine might go down well with the meeja, the Scots ain’t buying it. She may be having fun at Salmond’s expense but it’s a bit of a shortsighted tactic: don’t the Tories need the SNP to win if they want to go on delivering for Scotland?

Liberal Democrats:
Dearie, dearie me. This Scottish election might well mark a watershed in Liberal politics and for all the wrong reasons. Tavish Scott came across as earnest and instantly forgettable in the first debate; their policies are not distinctive enough from the big two to garner interest; the website is a mess. Mixing Westminster “achievements” with Scottish election missives doesn’t work and simply serves to remind the goodly voters why they are girding their loins to give the Lib Dems a kicking.

The Scots have been casting around for a scapegoat for the mess we are in and it looks like the Lib Dems are it. Can they go any lower in the polls? Well, there are still four weeks to go…

Scottish Greens:
This is where big really is beautiful: if two is a crowd, what hope for the fifth party in Scottish politics to make its distinctive voice heard?
Despite the strong message, articulate and punchy leader and effective pitch for the protest vote, the odds just seemed stacked against them in this election. Few of the reasons have anything to do with anything they are doing.

Leapfrogging the Lib Dems in the polls won’t do them any harm but they do need a bigger bang for their buck. They need media coverage and that means turning up the volume on a hot topic like nuclear power. Time too to stop playing at being a national party and go loco and regional – keep Patrick, replace Robin and anything else is a very good night.

My moment of the week?

Has to be Alan Cumming’s endorsement of the SNP – this is an A list celeb at the top of his game whose endorsement was thoughtful and articulate. Unlike others who have gone global, his graft for his achievements is something we still recognise and so, yet to snub him, his opinion will be respected. It made Labour’s wheeling out of Alex Ferguson look tired and formulaic.

#SP11 Region Watch – Central Scotland

For many Central constituencies, a Labour win can be perceived as something of an open and shut case. Let’s see what, if any, surprises may be sprung in 2011.

Airdrie & Shotts – There’s something about this constituency that, to me, has always seemed to be an SNP Gain in the making. Sophia Coyle reduced the 2003 8,977 majority to 1,446 in 2007 and boundary changes reduced it further to 633. Perhaps that is where the SNP will top out given the giant leap forward last time but, with just another push, this could be the SNP’s Cunninghame North or Striling of 2011. I had planned on giving this to Labour and my model does suggest they will shade it but I’ve just learned that it is the enigmatic Alex Neil who is standing for the SNP. Against Karen Whitefield, I have to think that the Nats will have enough to push them over the edge and finally this constituency will be SNP Gain – Alex Neil

Coatbridge & Chryston – Easy Labour hold – Elaine Smith

Cumbernauld & Kilsyth – Another Labour marginal that the SNP will do its best to throw West-coast resources at. A lot depends on what the locals think of their MSP Cathie Craigie who has served them for 12 years and what the addition of “MSP” will have done to their perception of challenger Jamie Hepburn (who I happen to think is amongst the very brightest and best of the Nat Rat Pack at Holyrood). That said, strictly on what the polls today are telling me, I am calling this for Labour. Labour hold – Cathy Craigie

East Kilbride – Probably the SNP’s best chance of a big scalp comes here with Andy Kerr holding a 1,972 majority over Linda Fabiani from 2007, increased to 2,108 after boundary changes. The same two do battle again but there is more scope for tactical voting and/or Lib Dems voting elsewhere given the 7,000+ votes for Lib Dems/Tories in 2007 (which is considerably higher than LD/Tory votes in other constituencies). I reckon Labour will get enough top up votes from ex Liberal Democrats to keep a nice majority here. Labour hold – Andy Kerr

Falkirk East – An interesting seat this one as Keith Brown stood for the SNP in 2003 and Annabelle Ewing stood in 2007, both unable to strip back the Labour majority. On a national voteshare of Lab – 35% and SNP 34%, this seat has a majority for Labour of 2,632. Reversing that voteshare to put the SNP in the lead reduces the majority to a still substantial 1,901 so I don’t see the SNP challenger Angus MacDonald winning through unless something rather special happens. Labour hold – Cathy Peattie

Falkirk West – A rare SNP seat in a sea of red in the West, Michael Matheson holding a notional 743 majority going into this contest. Denis Goldie returns to fight for his seat back for Labour but, with the national voteshare prescribed above, the SNP cling on by 66 votes and, in truth, I suspect they’ll hold on by even more than that. SNP hold – Michael Matheson.

Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse – An easy hold for Tom McCabe as Christina McKelvie fights in vain for the win. Labour hold – Tom McCabe

Motherwell & Wishaw – Jack McConnell’s old constituency should change hands from the former First Minister to the 2011 candidate with a reduced majority but no real surprises. John Swinburne of SCCUP to finish 3rd ahead of Conservatives and Lib Dems. Labour hold – John Pentland (Interesting aside, the Lib Dem candidate in 2003 was called K.Legg)

Uddingston & Bellshill – Michael McMahon to stroll back into office with a 5,000+ majority. Labour hold – Michael McMahon

So, that’s 2 for the SNP and 7 for Labour. Let’s see how that impacts upon the d’hondt allocation for Central with a national voteshare of Lab – 36%, SNP – 33%, Con – 13%, Lib Dem – 8%, Greens – 6%

1 – SNP (Jamie Hepburn)
2 – SNP (Linda Fabiani)
3 – Conservative (Margaret Mitchell)
4 – SNP (Richard Lyle)
5 – Labour (Siobhan McMahon)
6 – SNP (Christina McKelvie)
7 – Labour (Mark Griffin)

8 – SNP (Angus McDonald)

Total (2007 in brackets)
Labour – 9 (8)
SNP – 6 (7)
Conservative – 1 (1)
Lib Dems 0 – (1)
Greens – 0 (0)

So, the net loser of the reduction in FPTP seats here is the SNP, despite my predicting them to win Airdrie & Shotts. This makes sense since it is SNP-held Kilmarnock & Loudon that has been chopped up and spread out. As can be seen from the d’hondt allocation, it’s a bit of a see-saw effect over who between the SNP will pick up that valuable seventh seat as it alternates SNP/Labour from position 4 onwards but, nonetheless, Labour go into this contest with something of an upper hand.

This is of course the region that Hugh O’Donnell has decided not to stand for the Lib Dems in. I had not reflected that factor in my workings and the Lib Dems still didn’t get a seat, limping out of the region altogether, so I do not expect that Hugh will win one as an independent. John Swinburne will stand here for the SCCUP, the Socialists have Kevin McVey and the Greens have Kirsten Robb. Even with a 6% national voteshare, I can’t see the Greens winning a seat here unfortunately; I make them to be a good 4,700 votes off taking that 7th spot.

So all in all a pretty straightforward region where the SNP and Labour really are in a two-horse race on the face of things.

Tactical Voting considerations

From an SNP perspective, it’s straightforward, vote SNP in every constituency and with every regional vote because the party is either number 1 or number 2 in each seat.

For the Greens, their main problem is that they simply don’t have enough votes to be in the mix. They really need to outscore the Lib Dems (which I have them to do by 300 votes) and take more than half of the Conservative voteshare (which I have them 600 votes short of) to have any real chance of scooping a seat here. Labour and SNP look too strong as things stand at the moment though.

#SP11 Region Watch – West Scotland

Following Jeff’s lead, I’ve taken a more recent poll (the STV poll published 28 March) for my figures for West Scotland.  This means using regional figures of: Lab – 35%, SNP – 35%, Con – 14%, LD – 8% and Green – 5%.  Using these figures rather than the previous ones makes little or no difference to the outcome (the order of seats distributed through the D’Hondt formula is slightly different using these figures).  And apart from the individuals elected (and the fact the region has 10 constituencies rather than the 9 it previously had) there is no difference to the region’s political make-up.  Here’s the analysis:

Clydebank & Milngavie – This is, I think, relatively straightforward.  Notional majority of over 3,000. Lab hold (Des McNulty – returning)

Cunninghame North – The tightest of marginals in 2007 (48 votes won it for Kenny Gibson, with over 1,000 spoilt ballots).  There was talk of a legal challenge from Allan Wilson which, if the overall result hadn’t been so close, might have materialised.  Nevertheless, Kenny Gibson is a tireless campaigner and the legal chat has likely put some folk off Allan Wilson.  Plus the polls are turning the SNP’s way a little (as evidenced by the numbers above).  Likely to still be tight, but I think Kenny Gibson will sneak home… maybe.  If he doesn’t – its a net loss for the Lib Dems, as the SNP should get another list seat out of it – meaning Ross Finnie would lose out. Suppose that’s a tactical tip for Lib Dems – if you want a list seat, make sure the SNP pick up this constituency! SNP hold (Kenny Gibson – returning)

Cunninghame South – Again, notional majority of over 2,000. Lab hold (Irene Oldfather – returning)

Dumbarton – Last time around Jackie Baillie’s majority was slashed from over 6,000 to 1,600.  May be worth watching out for, and I think the SNP might get closer – but this seat stays red, comfortably I think.  Unless the trends towards the SNP continue… Lab hold (Jackie Baillie – returning)

Eastwood – This is a close one, and a straight fight between popular incumbent Ken Macintosh and list MSP (and heir apparent to the Scottish Conservative  leadership!) Jackson Carlaw.  The boundary changes make this notionally Conservative, but the polls have the Tories slightly down on 2007 while Labour are up on their 2007 mark.  That suggests they’ll hang on here, just as well for Ken Macintosh, since he doesn’t appear on the Labour West of Scotland list. Lab (notional) GAIN (Ken Macintosh – returning) UPDATE – I’m likely wrong here – see below.

Greenock & Inverclyde – Notional majority of over 4,000.  Its a tough ask for the SNP, and probably means that current regional MSP Stuart McMillan doesn’t return to Holyrood, since he’s number 6 on the SNP list.  Looks relatively comfortable. Lab hold (Duncan McNeill – returning)

Paisley – This will be interesting – what impact will Wendy Alexander standing down have?  There is a notional majority of 3,800 on the go here, so Labour have a bit to play with – but how much of that was a personal vote for Wendy? It probably won’t matter that much. Lab hold (Evan Williams – new face)

Renfrewshire North & West – What we have here is a genuine 3-way fight!  Labour’s incumbent, Trish Godman, is retiring so in her place the party are standing Stuart Clark against Scottish Conservative Annabel Goldie and the SNP’s (by all accounts, popular) leader of Renfrewshire Council Derek MacKay.  Last time around there was 0.5% between second and third – with neither the Tories nor the SNP managing to paint themselves as the “only” challenger to Labour – and Labour held a majority of 2,000.  This time though, Labour are without an incumbent – how much of a difference will that make?  It might… and given the high profile of both challengers, this is definitely a seat to watch. However, current polling suggests it will be a Lab hold (Stuart Clark – new face). But not by much.

Renfrewshire South – This has become safe as houses – and Hugh Henry had to win a hard selection battle to get the nod for Labour here.  With boundary changes – including  a large chunk of the former Eastwood seat – it was a good selection contest to win. Lab hold (Hugh Henry – returning)

Strathkelvin & Bearsden – Labour won this seat back from Dr Jean Turner in 2007 and now have a notional majority of 3,500.  Looks likely to stay red. Lab hold (David Whitton – returning)

On the constituencies (with no change from 2007) that would make it:

Labour – 9
SNP – 1

Onto the list, and as detailed above, I’ve used the STV poll figures instead of the previous figures we were using (this is more up to date).  Though, as I mentioned before – it doesn’t make any difference overall.

Seat 1: SNP (Stuart Maxwell – returning)
Seat 2: Conservative (Annabel Goldie – returning)
Seat 3: SNP (Derek MacKay – new face [#3 on SNP list but Kenny Gibson elected in constituency])
Seat 4: SNP (Gil Paterson – returning)
Seat 5: Conservative (Jackson Carlaw – returning)
Seat 6: SNP (Fiona McLeod – new face)
Seat 7: Lib Dem (Ross Finnie – returning)

(Seat 8 would be SNP – Stuart McMillan. On my figures, they’d be 1500 or so votes behind the Lib Dems, which, if the Lib Dem vote collapses, could be overturned).

So, expected West Scotland result (2007 in brackets – remember there’s 1 extra seat this time):

Labour – 9 + 0 = 9 (8)
SNP –1 + 4 =5 (5)
Conservative – 0 + 2 = 2 (2)
Lib Dem – 0 + 1 = 1 (1)

4 female to 13 male
13 returning to 4 new faces (2 already known to us as former MPs or MSPs from a previous session)

UPDATE: For some reason (mea culpa again!) I’d been working on the basis that the notional Conservative majority in Eastwood was not as large as the 3,500 it actually is.  So – to provide a fairer analysis, giving Eastwood to the Tories, here’s the numbers:

If Eastwood goes Conservative and the other seats stay the same, constituency make up is: 8 Lab, 1 SNP & 1 Con.  List breakdown is 5 SNP (so Stuart McMillan gets in as the fifth SNP MSP here) 1 LD and 1 CON (only Annabel Goldie, since Jackson Carlaw would win the constituency).  So instead of Labour being compensated on the list for losing the seat, its actually the SNP who would get an extra seat.

If Eastwood goes Conservative AND Renfrewshire North & West goes to either the SNP or the Conservatives, the net outcome is the same as if only Eastwood goes – the only difference would be the faces and whether they were constituency or list MSPs.  In this case, Labour would get a compensatory list seat and totals would be (Lab 8, SNP 6, Con 2, LD 1).

Tactical voting?
As previously mentioned, the Lib Dem position on the list is precarious, and they are unlikely to win any of the constituencies in the region.  This means that tactical voting considerations should come into play if they want to maintain Lib Dem representation for the region – and that means voting for SNP candidates in constituencies where the SNP are the main challengers to Labour.  If the SNP maintain their one constituency seat – assuming the Lib Dem vote stays where it is – then Ross Finnie would be returned.  But if the SNP managed to gain another seat – possibilities (though unlikely, unless heavily tactically targeted) include Renfrewshire North & West, Dumbarton or Greenock & Inverclyde – that would make the Lib Dems seat on the list more secure.  Equally, Lib Dems assisting Jackson Carlaw to win in Eastwood would have the same outcome – securing the Lib Dem seat (but at the same time giving an extra seat to the SNP on the list, with Labour losing out in the constituency).

Do your worst – but please be nice.

Sometimes parties go away.

Dead birdIt wouldn’t do to get too excited about a single poll, but the Scotsman’s most recent YouGov, showing the Lib Dems falling to 5%, behind the Greens’ 6% on the list, is certainly a first. The Scotsman’s seat projections also show them behind, with just 5 seats.

Isn’t it inconceivable they could fall that low? It’s way below the predictions being made by my esteemed colleagues. After all, the Highlands and Islands returned four Lib Dem MSPs alone last time, including the ultra-safe pair of Northern Isles seats. Edinburgh West, as was, they held by 17% over the SNP – but the Westminster seat they won by just 8% last year. Could North-east Fife go blue again? And on the lists, missing out in Glasgow, Central, and West seems plausible, but beyond that?

Parties, especially old parties like the Liberals, often seem immutable, a fixture. But all things must pass, sooner or later, and there is one particularly eye-catching example – the Aussie Democrats. A green-tinged centrist party, they regularly held the balance of power (“kept the bastards honest”, in the parlance). In 1998 they went into the election campaign against GST, a regressive sales tax akin to VAT, before going in with the right to deliver it. Sound familiar?

Thereafter the decline became terminal, and in 2009, their last elected representative went independent, probably closer to the whimper end for the death of a political party. It hasn’t happened in isolation, of course. At the same time the Australian Greens have grown from strength to strength, and last year not only got their first AV seat in the lower house but won a Senate seat in every state.

So could it happen here? Let’s not be premature, but parties need a base, and they need to be seen to stand for something. The Lib Dems have knocked some of their base out – the anti-war, anti-fees, anti-politics, lower case green and leftish elements. As per Jeff’s recent post, I defy anyone to identify anything they stand for, given the extraordinarily inept deal they struck with the Tories, handing over their red line issues and letting Cameron keep all his.

The strongest peg remaining would appear to be the old rural Liberal vote. Some advice for Tavish: don’t do anything to annoy them.

Predicting elections – Looking back to 2007

Polls come and polls go, most of them resulting in politicos attempting to establish how many seats will be won and lost by the various parties, but do they really tell us anything? Malc and I are halfway through our #sp11 regionwatch series so I thought it was time to check if there is any credibility to the results we are putting out there.

To prove this empirically would probably take a few PhDs and a strong dash of John Curtice so, instead, I’ve pulled together what the 2007 predicted result would be using my model, the 2003 detailed results and the 2007 national voteshare for constituency and region.

The regional detail is below but at a top level, and with actuals in brackets, the model would predict a 2007 election result of:

SNP 47 (47)
Labour 45 (46)
Conservatives 18 (17)
Lib Dems 17 (16)
Greens 1 (2)
Margo 1 (1)

All in all, I say that isn’t too shabby. The main failing is that it predicted that an SNP/Tory coalition is possible when infact it wasn’t (by 1 seat). There were several instances of a hundred or so votes being the difference between who won the 7th regional spot (Patrick Harvie in Glasgow for example) so the margin of error in my model is, of course, quite high.

The detailed reasons for differences are below but the main conclusions I take from this are as follows:

First up, it is worthwhile to predict seat numbers based on national voteshare, safe in the knowledge that regional differences here will be largely mapped out by regional differences there.

Secondly, it is worthwhile to reflect the really obvious local factors but not to get carried away. Green co-convener received a poll bump in Glasgow and Alex Salmond turned a notional Lib Dem hold into an SNP gain comfortably. Popular candidates such as Alex Fergusson, Jim Mather and Bruce Crawford also reversed expectations and this could arguably have been predicted if one was close enough to the ground in these areas.

Thirdly, the competition for the 7th regional spot on the list can be fierce. It is here where the election may well be won and lost for many parties.

My final conclusion, and probably the main one, is that baseline numbers are very important. The prime example is Cumbernauld & Kilsyth where Jamie Hepburn on paper only had to win an extra 500 or so votes to win the constituency, but he was operating from an artificial platform as much of the 2003 SNP vote was due to the impressive Andrew Wilson standing there.

So where might the dodgy baselines exist for 2011? Well, the constituencies that have the largest discrepancy between what did happen in 2007 and what was expected to happen are as follows: Galloway and Upper Nithsdale, Paisley South, Gordon, Ochil, Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross, Linlithgow, Carrick, Cumnock & Doon valley, Stirling, Edinburgh East and Airdrie & Shotts. If you are looking for a shock, whatever you perceive a shock to be, I’d look in these constituencies first…

    Detail and methodology

Central
SNP – 7 (7)
Labour – 8 (8)
Conservative – 1 (1)
Lib Dem – 1 (1)
Green – 0 (0)

A good start. No differences between the predictor model and the actual results in total.

NB – The SNP were predicted to win Cumbernauld and Kilsyth. This loss was made up for in the d’hondt allocation.

Glasgow
SNP – 6 (5)
Labour – 9 (9)
Conservative – 1 (1)
Lib Dem – 1 (1)
Green – 0 (1)

Reason for difference: In the model, the Greens were only 95 votes short of winning a seat (from the SNP) so perhaps a personal vote for Patrick Harvie was not reflected. Note that Patrick was the 7th list MSP so the model really wasn’t so far off here at all.

The FPTP element of the model predicted constituency wins accurately with Nicola Sturgeon winning Govan and Labour wins elsewhere.

Highlands & Islands
SNP – 5 (6)
Labour – 3 (3)
Conservative – 2 (2)
Lib Dem – 5 (4)
Green – 0 (0)

Reason for difference: The model predicted that the Lib Dems would win Argyll & Bute which was won by the SNP.

Lothian
SNP – 5 (5)
Labour – 5 (5)
Conservative – 2 (2)
Lib Dem – 2 (2)
Green – 1 (1)

No difference.

All FPTP seats predicted accurately.

Mid Scotland & Fife
SNP – 6 (6)
Labour – 5 (5)
Conservative – 3 (3)
Lib Dem – 2 (2)
Green – 0 (0)

No difference.

NB – Labour was predicted to win Stirling and Dunfermline West but the SNP and Lib Dems took surprise victories there. These variances then balanced out in the d’hondt allocation on the strength of Labour’s second votes.

North East
SNP – 7 (8)
Labour – 3 (3)
Conservative – 3 (2)
Lib Dem – 3 (3)
Green – 0 (0)

Reason for difference: The SNP was 324 votes away from pinching the 7th seat from the Conservatives in my model.

NB – The Lib Dems were predicted to win Gordon if the model was not adjusted for Alex Salmond standing in this constituency. The SNP was predicted to win Aberdeen Central but Labour managed to cling onto it by 382 votes.

South
SNP – 5 (5)
Labour – 6 (5)
Conservative – 4 (4)
Lib Dem – 1 (2)
Green – 0 (0)

Reason for difference: In my model, Labour pinched the last seat from the Lib Dems by 160 votes, once again showing that it is small margins at the tail end of the d’hondt allocation that can make all the difference.

(NB – The SNP upset the horses here, failing to win any FPTP seats despite being predicted to win 2. Alex Fergusson comfortably held Galloway and Upper Nithsdale for the Tories and Jeremy Purvis scraped through in Tweeddale, Ettrick & Lauderdale for the Lib Dems. This impact was corrected through the d’hondt calculator.)

West
SNP – 6 (5)
Labour – 6 (8)
Conservative – 2 (2)
Lib Dem – 2 (1)
Green – 0 (0)

Reason for difference – The SNP were predicted to win Paisley South and West Renfrewshire in my model but, in reality, Labour won them reasonably comfortably, perhaps highlighting the relative impenetrability of the West. These represented two clear gains for Labour between model and actuals as Labour did not win a regional MSP in either set of results.

That leaves the gain for the SNP over the Lib Dems and this seems to be simply due to a poor turnout for the Lib Dems in the West, receiving only 22,515 votes to my modelled 30,217. If this trend has continued, it is a clear reason why Hugh O’Donnell has decided to abandon Tavish’s sinking longboat.

(As a quick overview of my method:

Constituency – I take the individual number of votes for each candidate in each constituency from 2003, divide by the national voteshare from 2003 for the relevant party and then multiply by the 2007 national voteshare to get a new number of votes. In true First Past the Post tradition, whoever receives the highest votes for each constituency is then nominated as the winner)

Regions – The number of votes in each region in 2003 is divided by the national voteshare in the list vote for the relevant party and then multiplied by the actual national voteshare for 2007. The d’hondt allocation method is then applied using these number of votes and the number of FPTP seats predicted as being won in the first stafe of the model)