Shoulder to shoulder, together standing tall

There’s been a lot said about Ireland’s money woes of late and with good reason as the situation involves questioning the very future of the Euro as a going concern and the prospects of the continent’s long-term recovery.

I have never indulged in the near-unanimous Peston-bashing that goes on out there in the big, bad world as I have a strong regard for the BBC’s business reporter and thoroughly enjoy his blog but I have to say he has quoted some quite odd numbers in his latest blog.

Which British banks are at risk? Well according to new research by Morgan Stanley, total lending to Ireland’s private and public sectors is equivalent to 92.3% of the net assets of Denmark’s Danske Bank, 89.5% of Royal Bank of Scotland’s net assets, 60.2% of Lloyds’ net assets and 15.9% of Barclays’ net assets. Those figures exclude bank-to-bank lending, but they indicate how exposed Britain’s banks are to Ireland’s woes (RBS is most exposed, as the owner of a substantial Irish bank, Ulster Bank).

Looks worrying doesn’t it, 89.5% of RBS’ assets? No wonder Osborne is ploughing in to help Ireland out, we can’t bring RBS down with the Irish. Why is one of Britain’s banks so heavily linked in with Ireland anyway? Is it something to do with the Six Nations? Well, the key distinction is that this is net assets rather than just plain old assets. That 89.5% only applies to the difference between RBS’ total assets less its total liabilities and, well, after the whirlwind few years that the Bank has had who knows what that number could be.

If RBS has total assets of £300bn and liabilities of £299.9bn, then RBS is exposed to a paltry £89.5m. If liabilities are £100bn then RBS is exposed to £179bn. In other words, that 89.5% really doesn’t tell us anything in the absence of absolute figures which we clearly don’t have available. I suspect mind games are at play here and we’re being coerced into swallowing our medicine. What’s Morgan Stanley’s exposure to Ireland, I wonder?

Of course, some of Britain’s bailout money will presumably go towards the aforementioned Ulster Bank which is 100% owned by RBS. So, if you want to see it that way, this is actually (in part) a British Government bailing out a British company, just doing it on the scenic route via Ireland. (And I hope it went up the West coast, beautiful it is there)

We are not lending to Ireland to help Ireland out, we are lending to Ireland to save our own skin. I would have thought that the Tory backbenchers and Nigel Farage’s of this world would be at the forefront of such an approach since Osborne’s is a Britain-first policy, but it seems they’ve decided otherwise.

Think about it this way, if Ireland was on the other side of the world, if this was New Zealand or Paraguay facing financial meltdown, would Britain altruistically ride to its rescue? Unlikely. ‘Not my problem guv’ we would probably collectively say or ‘no spare change mate’ even, shamefully if so.

The overriding message is that it is the banks that continue to be the drag on the recovery, not to mention the initial problem in all of this. Osborne’s actions in the short term should not be difficult to sell politically as it is self-interest at stake, whatever way you want to look at the Net Assets of the entities involved.

The real political problem for the politicians is the perception that the Banks have collectively got away scot-free with causing so much pain. One solution, to turn RBS into some sort of mutual Green bank, isn’t one that should be looked down on too disdainfully.

Budget 2011/12 – Less money = less room for complaint

John Swinney has delivered his long anticipated budget proposal for the next financial year and there has seemingly been no big surprises. With a lack of financial levers at his disposal the Finance Secretary has successfully managed to flick a few switches that can ease the coming pain:
 
-          Public sector pay freeze
-          Business rate rise for larger companies
-          Cut motorway maintenance and tourism
-          Early deal with Councils to ensure smooth agreement between Government and local authorities
-          A shift in spending from Revenue to Capital because countries who stand still end up going backwards if the rest of the world goes forwards
 
Difficult to complain against really in the current financial climate.
 
So all eyes will now be on unions and opposition parties to see how receptive they are to the suggestions. The simple logic of a pay freeze in order to keep as many people in jobs as possible should be robust, particularly when UK unemployment is falling while Scotland’s is rising. There have been murmurs of discontent amongst some of Scotland’s unions but hopefully they will see that, in the round, John Swinney is making the best of a bad situation that was not of his doing.
 
Opposition politicians are there to oppose so one shouldn’t be too hard on them for stretching the bounds of credibility with their objections. The main objection from the larger opposition parties is that this budget is a ‘one year budget’ but it should be looking into the longer term. I don’t see this having much traction with the public and, when times are tough, it can be preferable to wade through the difficulty before you only one step at a time.
 
That said, it would be good to know what each of the parties have in mind for free care for the elderly, free tuition fees, abolished road tolls and free prescription charges, all the Scottish-only benefits that would appear to be unaffordable moving into the medium-term. It is important that the public has an understanding of what lies in store for these areas from each of the parties this side of the election, but, crucially, not necessarily this side of a successful budget. After all, should the SNP lay everything out on the table just because it happens to be in Government up to May 2011, only to be thumped at the next election or should all parties be equally afforded the opportunity to hold unpalatable information back from the public? It’s election year and the answer is unavoidable I’m afraid. We need only look to Westminster 2010 election to know that each party won’t show us the full picture of what the coalition’s cuts will mean for devolved Scotland. The SNP is no more culpable in that regard while Labour, for example, is promising everything from GARL to numerous new prisons to lock up those carrying a knife.
 
The other main objection to Swinney’s announcement has come from the Green party and it is probably too early to know how much traction their calls for use of the tax-varying powers to raise revenue will garner with both the public and the media. There is still plenty of scope for this proposal to take off and, equally, there is every chance that the public will shun tax rises and give the Greens a good stuffing. Turkeys, Christmas, you know the rest. I am hoping for the former of course. It’s worth pointing out that the budget has £17m for Renewable investment and £2.3bn for a new road bridge. The Scottish Government will have a difficult time ‘greenwashing’ over those figures.
 
The bottom line is, there is very little for opposition parties to object to here. With less money comes less options and with less options comes less scope for other parties to plough a different path to that of Swinney’s. Don’t get me wrong, Labour will still find a reason to vote against the budget or abstain, they are already dredging up their ‘anti-Glasgow’ rhetoric from last year. The Lib Dems, so difficult to predict, may well be partisan enough to do the same.
 
The SNP has the Greens and it has the Tories and, although it is a long road still to be traversed, this budget had pretty much written itself even before today’s announcement. Don’t expect it to change much between now and when it’s voted through the Parliament in early-2011.

Scotland’s Next Big Idea? – No more private healthcare

This post is largely borne out of Doug Daniel’s open challenge (in a comment in a previous post) to find what Scotland’s next big idea could be.

The problem with big ideas is someone needs to come up with the ideas in the first place. What big ideas could the debate be focussing on? That’s the question. LIT is sure to feature, but what else could the parties be focussing on?

Doug is right to point to LIT (as well as renationalising rail, increased powers for Holyrood and independence) as potential big ideas for the coming election campaign but there is an element of raking over hot coals with each of these, to a varying degree. There must be areas for discussion out there that have barely made the light of day and are waiting to be explored (and if you are reading that as an open invite for a Guest Post then you have read it correctly – send any to editors@betternation.org (subject to quality control, of course)).

After a short racking of my own humble little brain, the best new idea that I can think of is as follows – an unashamedly 100% public health service.

The NHS is a tremendous institution with foreigners often visibly taken aback by the pride with which Scots and Brits defend it. While the current situation involves healthcare being free at the point of use and many who can afford it opting for private cover, what if the rules were changed such that it was not permissible to obtain private healthcare except for services that the NHS do not provide (I’m thinking plastic surgery or bespoke prosthetic limb provision)

I mean no more BUPA in Scotland and no private medical insurance. It would be a colossal change and a massive statement to make to the wider world about how a country could, and perhaps should, look after itself.

The advantages would be:

– a more consistent level of NHS services across the entire nation. There is a risk that, with the current situation, the more affluent areas of Scotland have poorer NHS options available as greater numbers are covered privately and there is insufficient funding for those that do require free cover. All parts of the country using one service will ensure an even spread of resources and an equitable level of service.
– Many of Scotland’s best doctors are lured into working for private institutions by the larger pay and bonuses available. That is not to take away from the expertise that the NHS currently has available but pooling all of our medical talent under one roof would ensure better access for specific needs for all Scots and less pressure on the remuneration of public sector doctors and health staff.

Many (of the many) detractors will say that if they can afford to jump the queue then they should be allowed to do so. Many will say that such a move will cost lives. Both are convincing arguments but if a continued public/private split of health cover contributes to a two-tier country and a widening of the gap between rich and poor then is this policy proposal justified nonetheless?

Nicola Sturgeon once celebrated a privately-run hospital “coming home” to the NHS. Could the Health Minister, or a parliamentary colleague from any of the parties, take this a few steps further and argue for private healthcare in its entirety being brought under NHS control?

There are no doubt considerable legal concerns with this move and Scotland would probably need more flexible fiscal powers in order to fund it more appropriately but, well, it certainly ticks the big idea box and that is perhaps what Scotland is crying out for.

Refreshingly radical or dogma gone barking mad?

The error in the 2007 ‘notional’ Holyrood result

A strong headline and one that can fast-track a blogger into embarrassing disrepute but I’ve checked, double-checked and triple-checked. (And, not only that, but I was informed that the super-reliable Will Paterson came to the same conclusion a full two months ago. Will’s discovery was entirely unbeknownst to me over this weekend as I familiarised myself with the Scottish Parliament boundary changes, but I’ve written this post now so I might aswell publish it too)

The result of a report conducted by David Denver of the University of Lancaster (as found on the BBC) had the notional result of the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections (per the new boundaries) as follows (difference to actual result in brackets):

SNP – 46 (-1)
Labour – 44 (-2)
Conservatives – 20 (+3)
Liberal Democrats – 17 (+1)
Greens – 1 (-1)
Margo – 1 (-)

So, the Conservatives are seemingly the big winners from the boundary changes and Labour are the biggest losers. The SNP hasn’t done so badly either, doubling its majority despite losing a seat.

These figures have been widely quoted by politicians and activists alike. The Herald ran the news with the headline “Boundary changes may help Tories at Holyrood” and the BBC’s Brian Taylor went into a lot of detail over what the report may mean for 2011, one of the main talking points being the increased Tory representation and “a slightly improved net lead for the SNP over Labour”.

However, there is an error in the workings for the allocation of the 7 South MSPs that overstates the Conservatives by 1 seat, understates Labour by 1 seat and results in a notional SNP majority of 1 MSP, the same majority as the ‘actual’ 2007 result.

The South of Scotland Regional MSP allocation per this analysis is as follows:

SNP – 3 regional seats
Lib Dems – 2 regional seats
Conservatives – 1 regional seat
Labour – 1 regional seat

I am not trying to show anyone up with the below but I do want to recalculate the above in order to clarify what the true notional result is

The South region’s First Past the Post seats, with ‘notional’ winners, are as follows:

Ayr – Conservative
Carrick, Cumnock & Doon Valley – Labour
Clydesdale – Labour
Dumfriesshire – Conservative
East Lothian – Labour
Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire – Conservative
Galloway and West Dumfries – Conservative
Kilmarnock and Irvine Valley – SNP
Midlothian South, Tweedale and Lauderdale – SNP

Conservatives – 4
Labour – 3
SNP – 2

The split of notional 2007 regional votes, as per the report on the BBC, is as follows:

Labour – 81,326
SNP – 80,668
Conservative – 62,972
Lib Dem – 28,001
Greens – 9,494
‘Other’ – 20,371 (breakdown is irrelevant as neither the BBC report nor my recalculation gives these Others a seat – these votes will therefore be disregarded from now on)

Applying the d’Hondt formula in order to allocate the 7 South Regional MSPs gives the result as per below (see Wikipedia page to understand the slightly complicated allocation method):

1st Regional MSP – Lib Dems (28,001 = 28,001/1)
2nd Regional MSP – SNP (26,889 = 81,326/3)
3rd Regional MSP – Labour (20,332 = 81,326/4)
4th Regional MSP – SNP (20,167 = 81,326/4)
5th Regional MSP – Labour (16,265 = 81,326/5)
6th Regional MSP – SNP (16,134 = 80,668/5)
7th Regional MSP – Lib Dems (14,001 = 28,001/4)

The Conservatives won 4 FPTP seats so their regional statistic of 12,594 (= 62,972/5) was too low to win a regional seat. However, the report on the notional numbers nonetheless gives the Conservatives a regional seat at the expense of Labour.

As I said earlier, I’m not looking to show anyone up with the above but given how often claims and counter-claims will be thrown around between the various parties over the coming election campaign, it is best to start with the truth.

That truth seems to be that that boundary changes give the SNP a notional majority of one seat over Labour, not the two that most believe from September’s headline and has been used in the comments section of this blog. Furthermore, the Conservatives only pick up an extra two seats, a significant increase in its own right, but not the more eye-catching three seats increase that many currently believe.

So, as I admitted at the top, Will got there first, but I’m sure he would agree that there is no harm in reminding those that are interested where it is we are starting from, and what election claims are and are not valid, as the 2011 Holyrood campaign approaches.

UPDATE – Note also that these notional results has the SNP to win the new constituency of Almond Valley by only 4 votes, their only notional victory in all of Lothian.

Were this seat to be won by Labour, and all other results remain equal, the SNP would not win an extra seat in the list so it would be a genuine loss of an MSP from SNP to Labour meaning it would be Iain Gray who would head up the largest party.

The SNP won the 2007 ‘actual’ election by 46 votes thanks to Kenneth Gibson’s slender victory in Cunninghame North and they win the 2007 ‘notional’ election by an even more slender 4 votes.

(Note that the Cunninghame North majority in the notional analysis is 40 votes)

Better The Devil You Know?

Here at Better Nation, we are marvelling at the wisdom of the two parties fighting it out for First Minister in May adopting a key plank of our mission statement as their focus for next year. You can picture the ring announcer already…

“In the red corner for this heavyweight contest we have the challenger, known to some as the Grey Man of Scottish politics, the LOLITSP himself… Iain Gray.

And in the yellow corner representing the SNP, originating from Linlithgow but now hailing from the North-East, known for his love of horses and curries, Scotland’s First Minister… Alex Salmond.”

In terms of sloganising the campaign, both camps have hit the ground running. Labour have set their stall out for change and have gone with the tagline “Scotland Deserves Better” (which, if you hadn’t already noticed, has already been delivered in the shape of this blog!).

Last time around, the SNP benefited from the simplicity of their “It’s Time” slogan. Looking to stay in office for a second term,  this time they have gone with “better” in their slogan of “Be Part of Better“. Clearly, not noticing that “Be” is already part of “Better” - indeed, the first 2 letters of it. But that’s a minor point.

So, essentially the public have a choice – is it a case of better the devil they know? Or would they be better off looking to Labour to better the SNP in the election? Are we to listen to Rupert Murdoch’s Sky and “believe in better“? Have we returned to 1997 where things could only get better? Can’t they work better together?

Or is the focus of the post better best forgotten?

Okay, I’ll let it go.  But there is a point to be made here. Will the public focus be more on the leaders, the campaigns and the image of the parties involved – or is there any danger that respective policies will be examined and issues will actually play a part in this campaign?

I suspect the answer is somewhere in the middle. As James has pointed out previously, we’ll have two parties fighting over the same policies as previously. We’ll have parties offering the status quo or a minor change to the status quo (with apologies to the Nats who believe the SNP can or will deliver independence post-May 2011, which of course would be a major change to the status quo) in terms of policy position.

Think about it. We’re arguing over sustaining or ending a freeze on Council Tax (minor change) not whether the system is fair and should be changed anyway (major change). We’re arguing about how the cuts should be distributed (no change to system) instead of asking how to avoid some of them – perhaps by using the tax power we have (reasonably large change given its never been used). Incidentally, I’m not 100% sold on it (and far be it for me to say anything about tax given, as a student, I don’t actually pay income tax) but I’m happy to see one of the parties talking about it.

Elections should be about ideas, about ideology and issues. Instead, with the rise of the TV debate and instant public comment via blogs and Twitter, the cult of personality and image is now the main focus of elections. One faux pas, one minor slip, one moment of not being entirely professional, and the election is gone. So it is absolutely no wonder that parties have shifted their focus from original policy making and debating the issues inside out to a position whereby slick campaigns and professionalism are prized above all else.

With that in mind, its no real surprise that the two parties challenging to provide Scotland’s First Minister have both gone for the same message in their campaigns in attempt to better the other (okay, I used that one already). I guess there are only so many ways you can make it sound like you promising something which is an improvement on what your opponent can.

I do think though, that whatever the rhetoric, the soundbites and catchphrases, Scotland would be better served by having a real debate about the issues. Do that, and we may well see a Scotland which befits the intentions of our political rhetoric. Do it not, and focus solely on beating your opponent in a professional campaign without engaging with the issues and all our nation will be is older, no wiser… and perhaps just a little bit bitter.