The recent furore regarding superinjunctions has largely passed me by, though that hasn’t stopped me dipping into Twitter to find out (within seconds) who the famous names involved are. Personally, I don’t think the rich and the powerful should have access to a special law because they can afford the legal costs and while tabloids are a despicable scourge on UK society, famous people can’t expect to have it both ways.

Actors and football stars are happy to take the inflated salaries, the fame that drops onto their laps at an early age but not happy to have their private lives open to scrutiny. They want the goodies from being famous with none of the downside. Well that’s fine, but can we have our money back please?

I don’t think it’s too far a mental leap to suggest that politicians too have recently opted for a form of superinjuction, almost literally in the case of Alex Salmond regarding LIT. It is too early to say for sure what this election campaign will be rememered for but don’t be surprised if the legacy is the financial truth of the coming five years being shielded from the public, where the supposed ‘Hollywood for ugly people’ politicians wanted the fame and fortune without bothering to be open and transparent with us little people.

The funding of Higher Education is a classic example and I’m amazed, not to mention disappointed, that the SNP, Labour and Lib Dems haven’t been pushed on this much harder:

If fees in England are to settle at an average of £7,000, then (ignoring inflation), the funding gap in Scotland would be £97m. This is the figure that I have seen the SNP and Labour cling onto over the past few weeks. 

If fees in England settled at an average of £7,500 and inflation was taken into account then the funding gap would be around £202m. 

We now know that average fees in England will be closer to £8,678 and the funding gap therefore may well be £300m+ a year. So that’s easily a £1bn shortfall in the next parliamentary term that’s going largely undiscussed, and this is before Council Tax freezes, extra NHS spending, building more prisons, keeping police local and the whittling away of savings from (unspent) bridge money are taken into account. 

Parties can talk about these areas being priorities for future budgets but if every upside needs a downside, if every credit needs a debit, then surely we deserve to know what the priorities are for what will be cut and when? Put another way, whose necks are on the chopping block for each of the parties? Noone likes hearing such news but we deserve to know, don’t we?

Seemingly not. Like the grinning actor and the celebrating footballer hiding a barrelload of sins beneath that shiny veneer, aided and abetted by a handy superinjunction, it is what our party manifestoes don’t say that speaks volumes.

Don’t believe me? Just ask the Centre for Public Policy for Regions that has released a paper on manifesto costings. Some choice lines include:


In many pages on these Manifestos there is a plethora of seeming commitments and
pledges. However, when the current funding proposals are broken down these are
often found to have no (increased) funding attached to them. In some case this
funding is, yet again, expected to arise from generic efficiency savings. The true
worth of such commitments must therefore be called into question in many cases.

As we have previously reported, the 2011-12 budget was already tight with spending
being delayed and all spare funding being fully allocated. There is no reserve in the
event costs rise faster than projected or savings and revenues fail to be generated to
the level of in the timescale proposed.

Overall, serious questions have to be asked of all of the four main Parties as to
whether what they have outlined in their Manifestos is sufficient to meet the
challenges facing them in terms of real terms cuts to their budgets over the next four
years. Voters are entitled to be highly sceptical as to whether what they are being offered in
the Manifesto’s is actually what will happen, rather than a pale imitation of the
difficult choices that await, post-election. In fact, rather than playing a critical role in determining
how difficult future budget choices are to be made, voters are being sidelined.

Double digit cuts to budgets over the coming years means that we either have to tax more or spend less just to stand still, that’s the basic truth of 2011-16. So, if there was any justice, this election would really be a straight fight between the revenue-raising Greens and the happy-to-cut-back Tories. 

On current evidence, the SNP will only fleetingly enjoy this election win (if it comes to pass), opposition parties look set to have plenty of ammunition to hold the Government and its mandate to account over the coming years. Maybe being upfront, rather than adopting the superinjunction ethos, is the way to go after all.